Alternate History: William Lloyd Garrison's Fourth of July Speech against abortion

Suppose that, by a miracle, the uborn should suddenly become 6-year-olds. Would you shut your eyes upon their sufferings and calmly talk of legal limitations? Would you continue to call abortions “safe” where the murderer and his accomplices suffer no harm but the boy is chopped into pieces? Would you continue to prate that crushing the skulls of children is a “human right” that mothers must be able to demand?

No. 180.
Garrison’s First Anti-Abortion Address in Boston.
Address at Park Street Church, Boston, July 4, 2024.

It is natural that the return of a day which established the liberties of a brave people should be hailed by them with more than ordinary joy; and it is their duty as Christians and patriots to celebrate it with signal tokens of thanksgiving.

Two hundred and forty-eight years ago, the Fourth of July was a proud day for our country. It clearly and accurately defined the rights of man; it made no vulgar alterations in the established usages of society; it presented a revelation adapted to the common sense of mankind; it vindicated the omnipotence of public opinion over the machinery of kingly government; it shook, as with the voice of a great earthquake, thrones which were seemingly propped up with Atlantean pillars; it gave an impulse to the heart of the world, which yet thrills to its extremities.

[The orator then proceeded to speak of the degeneracy of the national jubilee, from an occasion distinguished for rationality of feeling and purity of purpose to a day marked by reckless and profligate behavior, vain boasting, and the foolish assumption that no dangers could ever assail or threaten the republic. To him, the prevalence of infidelity, the compulsory desecration of the “holy Sabbath,” the ravages of intemperance, the profligacy of the press, and the corruptness of party politics were all sources of danger and causes for alarm; and he briefly considered them before he took up abortion, the main theme of his discourse.]

I speak not as a partisan or an opponent of any man or measures when I say that our politics are rotten to the core. We boast of our freedom, who go shackled to the polls, year after year, by tens and hundreds and thousands! We talk of free agency, who are the veriest machines—the merest automata—in the hands of unprincipled jugglers! We prate of integrity, and virtue, and independence, who sell our birthright for office, and who, nine times in ten, do not get Esau’s bargain—no, not even a mess of pottage!

Is it republicanism to say that the majority can do no wrong? Then I am not a republican. Is it aristocracy to say that the people sometimes shamefully abuse their high trust? Then I am an aristocrat. It is not the appreciation, but the abuse of liberty, to withdraw altogether from the polls or to visit them merely as a matter of form, without carefully investigating the merits of candidates. The republic does not bear a charmed life: our prescriptions administered through the medium of the ballot-box—the mouth of the political body—may kill or cure, according to the nature of the disease and our wisdom in applying the remedy. It is possible that a people may bear the title of freemen who execute the work of slaves. To the dullest observers of the signs of the times, it must be apparent that we are rapidly approximating to this condition.

We deceive ourselves with grand illusions of liberty, while our chains grow heavier by the day. The very institutions meant to safeguard our freedoms have become instruments of our bondage. We congratulate ourselves on our enlightened democracy, yet we are but puppets strung along by invisible masters. Our votes, once the sacred expression of our will, are now mere tokens in a grand charade of governance.

We pride ourselves on our civic duty, yet how many among us truly understand the machinations of power that lurk behind the curtain of our supposed self-rule? The rot runs deep, my friends, and it threatens the very foundations of our republic. We must awaken from this slumber of complacency, lest we find ourselves one day bereft of even the illusion of freedom, our cherished liberties nothing more than a distant memory of a more virtuous age.

But there is another evil which, if we had to contend against nothing else, should make us quake for the issue. It is a gangrene preying upon our vitals, an earthquake rumbling under our feet, a mine accumulating materials for a national catastrophe. It should make this a day of fasting and prayer, not of boisterous merriment and idle pageantry; a day of great lamentation, not of congratulatory joy. It should spike every cannon and haul down every banner. Our garb should be sackcloth, our heads bowed in the dust, our supplications for the pardon and assistance of Heaven.

That evil, my friends, is the widespread murder of innocent, unborn children, to which we apply the euphemism: “abortion.”

Friends, I am not come to tell you that abortion is a curse, debasing in its effect, cruel in its operation, fatal in its continuance. The day and the occasion require no such revelation. I do not claim the discovery as my own that “all men are created equal,” and that among their inalienable rights are “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Were I addressing any other than a free and Christian assembly, the enforcement of this truth might be pertinent. Neither do I intend to analyze the horrors of abortion for your inspection, nor to freeze your blood with authentic recitals of savage cruelty. Nor will time allow me to explore even a furlong of that immense wilderness of suffering which remains unsubdued in our land. I take it for granted that the existence of these evils is acknowledged, if not rightly understood. My object is to define and enforce our duty as Christians and philanthropists.

On a subject so exhaustless, it will be impossible, in the brevity of an address, to unfold all the facts necessary for its full development. In view of it, my heart swells up like a living fountain, which time cannot exhaust, for it is perpetual. Let this be considered as the preface of a noble work, which your compassionate hearts and inventive minds must elaborate and complete.

I assume as distinct and defensible propositions:

1. That the unborn children of this country, whether we consider their moral, spiritual, or human right to life, are pre-eminently entitled to the prayers, sympathies, and efforts of the American people; and their claims for protection are as strong as those of any human beings could be in a similar condition.
2. That, as citizens of states where abortion remains legal are complicit in the guilt of this practice by adhering to laws that sanction it, and in the danger by liability to perpetuate a culture that devalues life, they have the duty to remonstrate against its continuance, and the duty to assist in its abolition.

The condition of the unborn, in a moral and ethical point of view, is deplorable, entitling them to a higher consideration on our part than any other vulnerable group; higher than the oppressed in distant lands, for they have the privileges of advocacy; higher than those in war-torn regions, for they are not within the protection of a nation founded on the principles of life and liberty; higher than our homeless or impoverished, for we do not treat them as mere obstacles to our convenience.

And here let me ask, What has Christianity done, by direct effort, for the unborn in this country? Comparatively nothing. She has reached out to the ends of the earth for objects of compassion; but, amazing indifference, she can gaze without emotion on millions of innocent lives extinguished within her borders, large enough to constitute a generation of citizens, whom society has dehumanized by law. In her public services, they are seldom remembered, and in her private donations, they are forgotten. From one end of the country to the other, her charitable societies form golden links of benevolence and scatter their contributions like raindrops over a parched heath; but they bring no sustenance to the perishing unborn. The blood of innocents is upon her garments, yet she heeds not the stain. The silent cries of the unborn echo in her ears, but they cannot penetrate her heart.

I have said that the claims of the unborn for protection are as strong as those of any Americans could be in a similar condition. Does any man deny the position? The proof, then, is found in the fact that every unborn child, conceived on our soil, is entitled to the same protections and privileges as any citizen. This is their country by direct lineage, not by adoption. Their inherent and unalienable rights to life are as sacred as ours, and it is a crime of the blackest dye to deny them their right to live.

Every Fourth of July, our Declaration of Independence is produced with sublime indignation to set forth the tyranny of the mother country and to challenge the admiration of the world. But what a pitiful detail of grievances does this document present in comparison with the wrongs which the unborn endure! In one case, it is hardly the plucking of a hair from the head; in the other, it is the snuffing out of a life before it has drawn its first breath—the stings of the wasp contrasted with the tortures of the Inquisition. Before God, I must say that such a glaring contradiction as exists between our creed and practice the annals of six thousand years cannot parallel. In view of it, I am ashamed of my country. I am sick of our unmeaning declamation in praise of liberty and equality, of our hypocritical cant about the unalienable rights of man. I could not, for my right hand, stand up before a Communist assembly and exult that I am an American citizen, and denounce the usurpations of their tyrannical government as wicked and unjust; or, should I make the attempt, the recollection of my country’s barbarity and despotism would blister my lips and cover my cheeks with burning blushes of shame.

Will this be termed a rhetorical flourish? Will any man coldly accuse me of intemperate zeal? I will borrow, then, a ray of humanity from one of the brightest stars in our American galaxy, whose light will gather new effulgence to the end of time: “This, sirs, is a cause that would be dishonored and betrayed if I contented myself with appealing only to the understanding. It is too cold, and its processes are too slow for the occasion. I desire to thank God that, since he has given me an intellect so fallible, he has impressed upon me an instinct that is sure. On a question of shame and honor—life and death—reasoning is sometimes useless, and worse. I feel the decision in my pulse: if it throws no light upon the brain, it kindles a fire at the heart.” Let us not deceive ourselves with empty words and hollow proclamations. The very foundations of our republic tremble beneath the weight of our hypocrisy. We trumpet the virtues of freedom while the silent screams of the unborn echo through our streets. We extol the rights of man while denying the most basic right to life to millions of innocent souls. This monstrous inconsistency, this unholy alliance of liberty and death, cannot long endure.

Is it not a bitter irony that we, who so loudly proclaim our love of freedom, should be the most egregious violators of the right to life? That we, who fought so valiantly for independence, should now deny the very existence of countless lives before they even begin? The injustices we once rebelled against pale in comparison to the atrocities we now commit daily.

I call upon every American who values the principles upon which this nation was founded to examine their conscience. How can we speak of justice while perpetrating such grievous wrongs? How can we claim to be a beacon of hope for the world while casting so many into the darkness of oblivion?

The time for incrementalism and empty reforms has long since passed. We stand at a crossroads, and the path we choose will determine not only the fate of our nation but the very soul of our people. Will we continue to live this lie, to bask in the false glory of a freedom we deny to others? Or will we at last find the courage to live up to the lofty ideals we profess?

Let us cast off complacency and indifference. Let us kindle that fire in our hearts, that unquenchable flame of justice and compassion. For if we fail in this, if we continue to turn a blind eye to the suffering in our midst, then all our grand declarations, all our noble sentiments, will be nothing more than dust and ashes in the wind.

I come to my second proposition—the duty of all people to remonstrate against the continuance of child murder and to assist in its overthrow. Friends, this is a business in which, as members of one great family, we have a common interest; but we take no responsibility, either individually or collectively. Our hearts are cold; our blood stagnates in our veins. We act, in relation to the unborn, as if they were something lower than the brutes that perish.

On this question, I ask no support from the injunction of Holy Writ, which says, “Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them: for this is the law and the prophets.” I set aside the common dictates of humanity. I assert the right of every state to demand the abolition of abortion because, by its continuance, they participate in the guilt thereof and are threatened with ultimate moral and societal destruction; because they are bound to watch over the interests of the whole nation, without reference to geographical divisions; because the voice of the majority, who hold life as sacred, should be powerful and decisive; because our society is deprived of its just moral integrity when the value of life is undermined; because it is absurd and anti-republican to permit laws that treat the unborn as less than human, denying them the rights and protections afforded to others.

Now I say that, on the broad system of equal rights, this monstrous inequality—the denial of life to the unborn—should no longer be tolerated. If it cannot be speedily put down—not by force, but by fair persuasion; if we are always to remain strangled by unjust legal provisions; if we must share in the guilt and danger of destroying innocent lives as the price of our societal convenience; if states where abortion is legal will haughtily spurn our assistance and refuse to consult the general welfare—then the fault is not ours if a separation eventually takes place.

It may be objected that the laws of these states form insurmountable barriers to any interference on our part.

Answer: I grant that we have not the right, and I trust not the disposition, to use coercive measures. But do these laws hinder our prayers or obstruct the flow of our sympathies? Cannot our efforts alleviate the conditions that lead to abortion and perhaps save lives? Can we not operate upon public sentiment (the lever that can move the moral world) by way of remonstrance, advice, or entreaty? Is Christianity so powerful that she can transform the lives of the lost, uplift the oppressed, overthrow the idols of materialism, and bring light to lands shrouded in darkness, and yet so weak in her own dwelling place that she can make no impression upon the civil code? Can she contend successfully with the evils of the world and yet be conquered by her own indifference?

Suppose that, by a miracle, the uborn should suddenly become 6-year-olds. Would you shut your eyes upon their sufferings and calmly talk of legal limitations? Would you continue to call abortions “safe” where the murderer and his accomplices suffer no harm but the boy is chopped into pieces? Would you continue to prate that crushing the skulls of children is a “human right” that mothers must be able to demand? No, your voice would peal in the ears of the abortionists like deep thunder; you would demand that the police fulfill their responsibility to protect life; assemblies to defend the life of children would congregate at the corners of every street; the old Cradle of Liberty would resound with a deeper tone than ever echoed within it at British aggression; the pulpit would acquire new and unusual eloquence from our holy religion. The argument that the unborn are unwanted would not then obtain. You would say, “It is enough that they are human and have the right to life, and they ought immediately to be protected.” You would multiply your support systems, your crisis pregnancy centers, and your outreach efforts, and rely on them for security.

But the unborn are not visible. They are unseen, and their voicelessness is their condemnation. And the laws of this state sanction this outrage, and our Christianity silently consents to it.

But the prevailing argument is that any interference by those who oppose abortion, however benevolent or cautious it might be, would only irritate and inflame the divisions within our nation, and retard the progress toward protecting life. If any man believes that abortion can be abolished without a struggle against the darkest impulses of human nature—quietly, harmoniously—he is living under a dangerous delusion. It can never be done unless the age of miracles returns. No; we must expect a collision, fraught with sharp asperities and bitterness. We shall have to contend with the insolence, pride, and selfishness of many who are hardened to the sanctity of life. But these can be overcome by steadfastness, perseverance, and prayer.

Friends, the prejudices in favor of abortion are deeply entrenched, and they stand like a fortress against the rights of the unborn. They reinforce and perpetuate the legal and social chains that bind our society to this grave injustice. Conquer these prejudices, and the victory for life will be won. The enemies of life take courage from our criminal silence and hesitation. They have justly stigmatized us, even in public discourse, with the most contemptuous epithets. We are, they say, the “silent majority,” afraid to stand firm in our convictions, driven back time and again by the relentless push for convenience over conscience. We stand trembling under the weight of societal pressure, turning pale, retreating, and surrendering at the mere threat of being labeled intolerant or backward.

But what do we gain by this cowardice? Does it preserve our nation’s moral fabric, or does it tear at its very seams? Does it ensure peace, or does it sow the seeds of deeper discord? We must not be swayed by threats to disrupt the unity of our nation or to dissolve the social contract that binds us. For what is this unity worth if it is built on the sacrifice of the most vulnerable among us? What is this peace, if it rests on the graves of the innocent?

No, we must rise above these threats and accusations. We must stand firm in the face of adversity, not with anger or violence, but with unwavering resolve and compassion. We must confront this issue with the full weight of our moral and ethical convictions, knowing that true peace and unity can only be achieved when justice is done, when every life is valued and protected.

Let us not fear the struggle that lies ahead. Let us embrace it as a necessary battle for the soul of our nation. For in the end, it is not just the lives of the unborn that are at stake, but the very character of our society. Will we be remembered as a people who stood up for what is right, even when it was difficult? Or will we be known as a generation that turned away in silence, content to let injustice prevail? The choice is ours, and the time to act is now.

It is often despairingly said that the evil of abortion is beyond our control. A dreadful conclusion that seals the fate of our nation’s moral integrity, devouring our very humanity! If we cannot take a stand now, how shall we face the consequences when millions more lives are lost as the years flow by? But there is no cause for despair. Let us take courage! Moral influence, when vigorously exercised, is irresistible. It has an immortal essence. It can no more be extinguished by the march of iniquity or the passage of time than matter can be annihilated. It may disappear for a time, but it lives on in some form, in some place, and will rise again with renewed strength. Let us, then, be up and doing. In the simple and stirring language of the stout-hearted reformers of old, “all the friends of the cause must go to work, keep to work, hold on, and never give up.”

But, if defeat comes, woe to the safety of this people! The nation will be shaken as if by a mighty earthquake. A cry of horror, a cry of sorrow and regret, will go up to heaven in the darkness of night, re-echoing from every corner of our land. Blood will stain our history—both the blood of the innocent and the guilt of those who allowed it. Then will be heard lamentations and weeping, eclipsing the memory of even the darkest chapters of our past. The terrible judgments of an incensed God may complete the downfall of this once-proud republic.

And since so much is to be done for our country; since so many prejudices are to be dispelled, obstacles vanquished, interests secured, blessings obtained; since the cause of the unborn must progress heavily and meet with much unhallowed opposition—why delay the work? There must be a beginning, and now is a propitious time—perhaps the last opportunity that will be granted us by a long-suffering God. No temporizing, lukewarm measures will avail aught. We must put our shoulders to the wheel and heave with our united strength. Let us not look coldly on and see our brothers and sisters contending single-handed against an all-powerful foe—faint, weary, borne down to the earth. We are all alike guilty. Abortion is a national sin. Funds from every state have been expended in supporting this industry; people across the nation have been complicit in perpetuating this practice; voices of power have assisted in forging the fetters of those who would stand for life.

I call upon the ambassadors of Christ everywhere to make known this proclamation: “Thus saith the Lord God of the voiceless, Let these lives be spared, that they may serve me.” I ask them to “proclaim liberty to the infants in the womb and the protection to those yet to be born”—to light up a flame of compassion that shall burn until every life is safeguarded from the night of moral death and the song of deliverance be heard throughout our land.

I call upon the churches of the living God to lead in this great enterprise. If the soul be immortal, priceless, save it from woe beyond remedy. Let them combine their energies and systematize their plans for the rescue of the unborn. Let them pour out their supplications to Heaven in behalf of the voiceless. Prayer is omnipotent: its breath can melt adamantine rocks, its touch can break the stoutest chains. Let the cause of life be placed uppermost among those for missionary, tract, and educational purposes. On this subject, Christians have been asleep: let them shake off their slumbers and arm for the holy contest.

I call upon our women to form charitable associations to relieve the degraded and downtrodden of their sex. As yet an appeal to their sympathies has never been made in vain. They outstrip us in every benevolent race. Women are doing much for the cause of life; let their example be imitated and their exertions surpassed across the nation.

I call upon our citizens to assist in establishing abolitionist organizations in every state, county, and town. I implore their direct and liberal patronage to the cause of life.

I call upon the great body of newspaper editors to keep this subject constantly before their readers; to sound the trumpet of alarm and to plead eloquently for the rights of the unborn. They must give tone to public sentiment. One press may ignite twenty; a city may warm a state; a state may impart a generous heat to a whole country.

I call upon the American people to cleanse their land of this foul impurity, this stain on our moral fabric. I ask them to sustain Congress in any future efforts to protect life at every stage. I conjure them to select representatives who are not too ignorant to know, too blind to see, nor too timid to perform their duty.

Is it not time that we cast off this craven spirit? Have we not been like reeds shaken by the wind, bowing to every breeze of opposition? The Left stands firm in its conviction, however misguided, while we falter in our righteous cause. We must shed this cowardice and stand resolute in the face of tyranny.

The path before us is clear, though it be fraught with peril. We must speak the truth, in every forum and on every stage. We must rally the conscience of the people, awaken it from its slumber of indifference. The time for half-measures and incrementalism has passed. We must thunder our convictions from every pulpit and platform, until the very foundations of this corrupt system tremble and crumble. Let the world hear our voice, not in trembling acquiescence, but in a mighty chorus of freedom that shall echo through the ages.

_This speech is an AI-modified alternate history of William Lloyd Garrison’s Fourth of July speech against slavery . The basic arguments are identical, and the essential structure is the same. _